Kalil Copley compares the volunteer phenomenon in the Spanish Civil War & Syrian Civil Wars
On Saturday 1 June, 2013, The Guardian reported the death of rebel soldier, Ali Almanasfi, killed by Syrian troops at a government checkpoint the previous Wednesday along with Nicole Mansfield and a third unidentified man. The significance of these deaths? All three were foreign nationals: British, American and, allegedly, Canadian, respectively. The article, and its accompanying piece by journalist and friend of Almanasfi, Tam Hussein, both contained repeated references to the European and American volunteers in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, implicitly centring on the idealism necessary to drive a person to volunteer in a foreign war.
it was a time when idealist youths went out to prevent the spread of fascism
Yet, western public perceptions of the Syrian Civil War differ dramatically from that of the Spanish Civil War, which ‘remains the only political cause which, even in retrospect, appears as pure and compelling as it did in 1936’ (Hobsbawm, 1994). Even into the twenty-first century, and arguably increasingly as the horrors of the dichotomy of communism and fascism in an era of crippling recession recede from living memory, the works of Ernest Hemingway, George Orwell and W. H. Auden (a line of whose poem – Spain, 1937 – appears in the title above) ensure that the actions of the International Brigades remain highly romanticised; it was a time when idealist youths went out to prevent the spread of fascism. Many volunteers were exiles from countries governed by fascist or other right-wing totalitarian regimes; Spain was seen as the first battlefield in the war to reclaim their homes. In the words of Italian exile, Emilio Lussu, ‘We had a greater need of going to Spain than the Spanish republic had need of us.’
In contrast, the Syrian Civil War, tainted as it is by fears of growing religious extremism, Islamic jihadist groups and terrorism, is viewed with distaste. Elizabeth O’Bagy’s report for the Institute for the Study of War, Jihad in Syria, highlighted the dangers to the USA inherent in the rise of jihadist groups in the originally secular rebel movement against President Bashar Al-Assad. Groups such as the al-Nusra Front, a self-proclaimed jihadist group, and the call by al-Qaeda leader, Aymana Zawahiri, for jihadists to travel to Syria, have increasingly contaminated western perceptions of the Syrian rebels. The Syrian government is of course eager to capitalise upon western reservations to ensure continued non-intervention by the western nations. Ten days after Almanasfi’s death, Tam Hussein reported in The Huffington Post that he had in fact spoken with Almanasfi via Skype, and that the incident was a fabrication by the Syrian government to create the impression that foreign extremists are actively fighting on Syrian soil en masse; the Daily Telegraph’s report of Almanasfi leading his troops into battle whilst reciting Arabic prayers indicates the success of the regime’s propaganda.
However, this dichotomy between western viewpoints on the two conflicts should not undermine the similarities between the two scenarios. The volunteers of the Spanish Civil War came from a great variety of countries: in total, over 40,000 foreigners from over fifty nations were estimated to have been present in Spain during the civil war. Similarly, so far, it is estimated that some 600 individuals from fourteen European countries (including the UK) have joined the rebels in Syria. The Spanish volunteers were largely young communists; the International Brigades were organised by the Communist International (Comintern). Around sixty per cent of volunteers were communists before departing, with a further twenty per cent being converted during their time out there. They were largely working class men (eighty per cent of the Brigades), often unemployed, but with a very definite sense of duty and idealism. As one British volunteer put it: ‘Undoubtedly the great majority are here for the sake of an ideal, no matter what motive prompted them to seek one.’
In contrast, the Syrian Civil War, tainted as it is by fears of growing religious extremism, Islamic jihadist groups and terrorism, is viewed with distaste. Elizabeth O’Bagy’s report for the Institute for the Study of War, Jihad in Syria, highlighted the dangers to the USA inherent in the rise of jihadist groups in the originally secular rebel movement against President Bashar Al-Assad. Groups such as the al-Nusra Front, a self-proclaimed jihadist group, and the call by al-Qaeda leader, Aymana Zawahiri, for jihadists to travel to Syria, have increasingly contaminated western perceptions of the Syrian rebels. The Syrian government is of course eager to capitalise upon western reservations to ensure continued non-intervention by the western nations. Ten days after Almanasfi’s death, Tam Hussein reported in The Huffington Post that he had in fact spoken with Almanasfi via Skype, and that the incident was a fabrication by the Syrian government to create the impression that foreign extremists are actively fighting on Syrian soil en masse; the Daily Telegraph’s report of Almanasfi leading his troops into battle whilst reciting Arabic prayers indicates the success of the regime’s propaganda.
However, this dichotomy between western viewpoints on the two conflicts should not undermine the similarities between the two scenarios. The volunteers of the Spanish Civil War came from a great variety of countries: in total, over 40,000 foreigners from over fifty nations were estimated to have been present in Spain during the civil war. Similarly, so far, it is estimated that some 600 individuals from fourteen European countries (including the UK) have joined the rebels in Syria. The Spanish volunteers were largely young communists; the International Brigades were organised by the Communist International (Comintern). Around sixty per cent of volunteers were communists before departing, with a further twenty per cent being converted during their time out there. They were largely working class men (eighty per cent of the Brigades), often unemployed, but with a very definite sense of duty and idealism. As one British volunteer put it: ‘Undoubtedly the great majority are here for the sake of an ideal, no matter what motive prompted them to seek one.’
there is some indication that Islamic ideals form a role in the presence of foreigners in the Syrian Civil War
Whilst no such statistics exist yet for the volunteers in Syria, the case studies provided by several individuals who have come to the attentions of the media indicate that they tend to be of Arabic heritage: Almanasfi is of Syrian descent, whilst a Libyan-Irishman, Mahdi al-Harati, is aiding the Syrian rebels using the knowledge he gained fighting in the Libyan Civil War. That these individuals follow an Islamic ideal is undeniable. Almanasfi is known to have developed a particular interest in Islam whilst in prison prior to travelling to Syria, and believes his presence there to be a fulfilment of his religious duty, his ‘fard’. Nicole Mansfield was a convert to Islam, although her exact motivations in travelling to Syria are uncertain. Therefore, there is some indication that Islamic ideals form a role in the presence of foreigners in the Syrian Civil War; as in Spain, it is not simply a collection of mercenaries, opportunists and adventurers.
However, to argue that the one phenomenon is merely echoing the other is a simplification so banal that it is doubtful whether any would attempt it. First of all, the International Brigades of Spain were the result of extraordinary effort on behalf of Comintern (even if the results did not quite tally with such industry). In October 1936, Comintern instructed all communist parties to raise their designated quotas of volunteers. The central recruiting office in the rue de Lafayette, Paris, then organised the transportation of the volunteers via boat or train into Spain. In contrast, while al-Qaeda has attempted to fulfil a similar role in the Syrian Civil War, little substantive evidence has come to light so far of an elaborate channelling of volunteers into Syria.
However, to argue that the one phenomenon is merely echoing the other is a simplification so banal that it is doubtful whether any would attempt it. First of all, the International Brigades of Spain were the result of extraordinary effort on behalf of Comintern (even if the results did not quite tally with such industry). In October 1936, Comintern instructed all communist parties to raise their designated quotas of volunteers. The central recruiting office in the rue de Lafayette, Paris, then organised the transportation of the volunteers via boat or train into Spain. In contrast, while al-Qaeda has attempted to fulfil a similar role in the Syrian Civil War, little substantive evidence has come to light so far of an elaborate channelling of volunteers into Syria.
The Syrian Free Army is well aware that an affiliation with al-Qaeda is akin to shooting oneself in the foot in western politics
Indeed, the fact that the group leader of the Syrian Free Army has denied any affiliation with al-Qaeda indicates that if al-Qaeda is operating in Syria, it has no links with the official rebel movement. In Spain, although the republicans were reluctant to accept Soviet help, they embraced the International Brigades in the hope that it would achieve positive international publicity. The Syrian Free Army is well aware that an affiliation with al-Qaeda is akin to shooting oneself in the foot in western politics. Moreover, whilst the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War were a form of effective liberal propaganda for both Spain and the USSR in presenting a stand against fascism (and one which boosted the Soviet Union’s reputation in the west), the presence of foreign volunteers in Syria has been denied or presented objectively. Tam Hussein, in describing Almanasfi’s purpose in travelling to Syria, presented it as a personal quest for redemption.
The Syrian Civil War, therefore, is not presented as a battle of ideologies as the Spanish Civil War was – a struggle between two opposing sides – but rather as a multitude of individual crusades, motivated by a plethora of personal concerns. Nothing about the Syrian Civil War inspires in the west the romantic passion associated with the Spanish Civil War.
In light of these observations, where, then, are we? What conclusions, if any, can we draw? As the Syrian Civil War is still raging at the time of writing (and unless a miraculous settlement is reached, looks likely to continue for the foreseeable future), definitive answers are not to be found. Until a body of quantitative evidence regarding the presence of volunteers in Syria is available, we can draw only preliminary inductions. A superficial comparison between the presence of volunteers in the Spanish and Syrian Civil Wars can be made. Significant ideological motivations do indeed seem to be present, communist and Islamic respectively. These volunteers were drawn from a variety of countries across the world. However, the organisation behind these two occurrences vary widely, the Syrian volunteers being recruited more informally, normally on their own initiative and travelling by their own means, than the International Brigades.
Of greater interest at present, however, is the portrayal of these volunteers. Popular perceptions of the International Brigades rarely condemn them, especially nowadays. Their links with the communist party and their unorthodox nature raised concerns for European governments, but this romanticised ideal that they were fighting against fascism was, and remains, strong. Some may have wondered why the International Volunteers felt it necessary to use physical force, as Virginia Woolf did of her nephew, Julian Bell, yet observers justified it by saying that such ‘strong feelings are fine’, incomprehensible, but fine. Those who travel to Syria, such as Nicole Mansfield, are accused of being ‘brainwashed’. The family of Nicole Mansfield, upon learning of her death, reported doubt in their attitudes towards her, uncertainty as to whether she was a terrorist, and asserted that although she had a ‘heart of gold’, she was ‘weak-willed’. Here, her convictions, whatever they may have been, which were strong enough to convince her to travel all the way to Syria, are condemned.
The Syrian Civil War, therefore, is not presented as a battle of ideologies as the Spanish Civil War was – a struggle between two opposing sides – but rather as a multitude of individual crusades, motivated by a plethora of personal concerns. Nothing about the Syrian Civil War inspires in the west the romantic passion associated with the Spanish Civil War.
In light of these observations, where, then, are we? What conclusions, if any, can we draw? As the Syrian Civil War is still raging at the time of writing (and unless a miraculous settlement is reached, looks likely to continue for the foreseeable future), definitive answers are not to be found. Until a body of quantitative evidence regarding the presence of volunteers in Syria is available, we can draw only preliminary inductions. A superficial comparison between the presence of volunteers in the Spanish and Syrian Civil Wars can be made. Significant ideological motivations do indeed seem to be present, communist and Islamic respectively. These volunteers were drawn from a variety of countries across the world. However, the organisation behind these two occurrences vary widely, the Syrian volunteers being recruited more informally, normally on their own initiative and travelling by their own means, than the International Brigades.
Of greater interest at present, however, is the portrayal of these volunteers. Popular perceptions of the International Brigades rarely condemn them, especially nowadays. Their links with the communist party and their unorthodox nature raised concerns for European governments, but this romanticised ideal that they were fighting against fascism was, and remains, strong. Some may have wondered why the International Volunteers felt it necessary to use physical force, as Virginia Woolf did of her nephew, Julian Bell, yet observers justified it by saying that such ‘strong feelings are fine’, incomprehensible, but fine. Those who travel to Syria, such as Nicole Mansfield, are accused of being ‘brainwashed’. The family of Nicole Mansfield, upon learning of her death, reported doubt in their attitudes towards her, uncertainty as to whether she was a terrorist, and asserted that although she had a ‘heart of gold’, she was ‘weak-willed’. Here, her convictions, whatever they may have been, which were strong enough to convince her to travel all the way to Syria, are condemned.
the western idea of Islam, and especially of jihad, has been entirely corrupted by a reactionary, sensationalist media
Repeatedly, the same rhetoric of terrorists, extremism and radicalism floods the media. It may simply be that the cultural gulf yawning between Syria and the west prevents us from comprehending the motivations behind those who travel to fight in Syria, even though their emotions will be universal. As Tam Hussein pointed out, the western idea of Islam, and especially of jihad, has been entirely corrupted by a reactionary, sensationalist media, so that in all manifestations of Islam is seen a threat to western democracy. This is not the place to go into the compatibility of Islam with democracy, but it should be noted that the volunteers who go out to fight in Syria do not view themselves as terrorists or freedom fighters. ‘Jihad’ is the religious duty of the Muslim community to defend itself, furthering the good of Allah, in this case from a tyrannical leader who is insufficiently Muslim (as Islamic law forbids conflict between Muslims). In the case of Almanasfi, therefore, he is simply doing his religious duty; in opposing the regime of al-Assad, he is following an ideology as strong as that of opposition to fascism. In this sense, therefore, there is a definite similarity between the volunteers of the Spanish Civil War and those in Syria.
The understanding of jihad by the western media as a war to eradicate non-Muslims can be traced to the manipulation of the ideology by groups discontented with western dominance in the Middle East, such as al-Qaeda, who utilise the terminology as a unifying factor without adhering to the details. Osama bin Laden is a prime example of this: in ordering Muslims to attack American civilians in 1998, he contravened the condition that jihads should not target the innocent. The western media, unaware of this distinction and influenced by fictional parallels with the concept of crusade, have perpetuated this erroneous belief in jihad as a war against the infidel. Therefore, the volunteers in Syria are technically jihadists, but very few of them desire the destruction of the west. Just as British and American perceptions of the conflict in Spain were clouded by fears of communism, so too is the conflict in Syria being tainted by a fear of Islam. The question is how far is this flawed perspective of Islam influencing policy? A distrust of communism led to the non-intervention of the western democracies and to the fall of the Spanish Republic; where is a false impression of Islam leading?
The understanding of jihad by the western media as a war to eradicate non-Muslims can be traced to the manipulation of the ideology by groups discontented with western dominance in the Middle East, such as al-Qaeda, who utilise the terminology as a unifying factor without adhering to the details. Osama bin Laden is a prime example of this: in ordering Muslims to attack American civilians in 1998, he contravened the condition that jihads should not target the innocent. The western media, unaware of this distinction and influenced by fictional parallels with the concept of crusade, have perpetuated this erroneous belief in jihad as a war against the infidel. Therefore, the volunteers in Syria are technically jihadists, but very few of them desire the destruction of the west. Just as British and American perceptions of the conflict in Spain were clouded by fears of communism, so too is the conflict in Syria being tainted by a fear of Islam. The question is how far is this flawed perspective of Islam influencing policy? A distrust of communism led to the non-intervention of the western democracies and to the fall of the Spanish Republic; where is a false impression of Islam leading?